Palestinian demand to receive a Judenrein area is racist and unacceptable.
If Israel hosts an Arab minority, why can't a few thousands of Jews reside
in a Palestinian state, which occupies part of the Jewish homeland?
The Obama vision of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement within two years
is not realistic.

Perspectives Papers on Current Affairs

Perspectives 83

June 28, 2009

Netanyahu Has Become Mainstream Israel

by Efraim Inbar

http://www.biu.ac.il/SOC/besa/perspectives83.html

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: In his address at the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for
Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan University, Netanyahu successfully redefined
the Israeli consensus and became a mainstream political leader. Netanyahu's
centrist approach also strengthened his ruling coalition and enhanced his
position in a potential confrontation with Washington.

'Mainstream' Netanyahu

After US President Barack Obama's Cairo speech on June 4, 2009, Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu not only felt the need to respond to the
American leader, but also to address the Israeli people. In his speech on
June 14th at the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies at Bar-Ilan
University, Netanyahu successfully redefined the Israeli consensus and
became a mainstream political leader. Over 70 percent of Israelis found
themselves in agreement with Netanyahu - quite a feat for the Israeli Prime
Minister. In the address, Netanyahu stressed the historic rights of the
Jewish people to the Land of Israel (Palestine) and rejected Obama's
interpretation of the Holocaust as legitimation for the Jewish state. He
pointed out that a Jewish state where persecuted Jews could flee the Nazis
would have prevented the Holocaust.

Despite the ancient Jewish claim to its historic patrimony, Netanyahu
expressed willingness for a territorial compromise in order to satisfy the
national needs of the Palestinians (a two-state solution). A large majority
of Israelis is ready for a repartition of the Land of Israel.

Netanyahu's acceptance of a Palestinian state came with conditions. His
demand for a demilitarized state reflects the ingrained and justified
Israeli fears of their dangerous neighbors. Since Oslo, more Israelis have
been killed by Palestinians than during the 1973 October War. Netanyahu also
demanded the long overdue recognition of Israel as the Jewish nation-state.
In line with Israeli consensus, he insisted on Jerusalem remaining the
undivided capital of the Jewish state and opposed a total freeze on building
in the settlements.

The speech positioned Netanyahu at the center of Israeli politics,
maintaining the strength of his coalition. Even the hawkish faction within
his party, the Likud, understands that statements in favor of the two-state
paradigm are not enough to create a new political reality. Therefore, the
party hawks do not rebel against Netanyahu. Moreover, Netanyahu has even
succeeded with the opposition; a majority of the Kadima party in the Knesset
prefers to join the government. Capturing the center of Israeli politics
stabilizes the ruling coalition and will allow Netanyahu flexibility if
there is an opportunity for peace, as well as the needed stature to lead
Israel in continuous protracted conflict.

Relations with the US

Netanyahu's centrist approach also strengthened the chances that his
coalition will survive potential tensions with Washington. Netanyahu
reluctantly agreed to mention the two-state solution to please the US.

It is not yet clear if Washington is looking for a confrontation with
Jerusalem by focusing on a total settlement freeze. Israelis are likely to
view such an insistence primarily as a pretext for ulterior motives and are
likely to support their government. After all, the territory of the
settlements is less than 2 percent of the West Bank and even the PLO agreed
to an exchange of territory to incorporate the bloc settlements into Israel.
Israelis reject a total freeze in the settlement blocs near the 1967 border
line, wanting these areas incorporated into Israel in a future peace deal.

Moreover, the Israeli political system has demonstrated its capacity to
remove settlements when necessary. Israel dismantled settlements in Sinai in
the framework of a peace treaty with Egypt in 1981 and in Gaza and Samaria
in 2005. Finally, the Palestinian demand to receive a Judenrein area is
racist and unacceptable. If Israel hosts an Arab minority, why can't a few
thousands of Jews reside in a Palestinian state, which occupies part of the
Jewish homeland?

The Obama vision of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement within two years
is not realistic. While in Cairo, Obama suggested that the Muslim world
adopt a pragmatic approach because Israel is a fait accompli that cannot be
eradicated. Pragmatism is hardly characteristic of the Palestinian political
culture. Israel is still viewed as a temporary entity implanted by the West
in the middle of the Muslim patrimony, evident from the Palestinian refusal
to accept the generous offer by Ehud Barak in 2000 and the even more
generous proposal by Ehud Olmert in 2008. Finally, the Palestinians are
beleaguered by internal divisions, culminating with the Hamas takeover of
Gaza. They suffer from corruption at the highest levels and the inability to
build a state. Palestinian society under the spell of Hamas is moving in the
wrong direction.

The Israeli government will try to avert a crisis in US-Israeli relations
and will hope for a fast learning curve by the naïve Obama administration.
Jerusalem can still count on a reservoir of friendship on Capitol Hill and
by the American public at large. Due to this support, Israel might decide to
put up a fight and play for time.

Hopefully, Obama will eventually learn that American speeches are not going
to reform societies deep in crisis. And Obama, with his idealism and good
intentions, can hardly make a difference. So far he has shown little
character toward North Korea and seemed to pass the opportunity to erode the
dictatorial grip of the anti-American Ayatollas in Iran.

From Jerusalem, Obama looks more like a rookie with scant understanding of
world affairs, while Netanyahu increasingly appears as a responsible leader.
If they are headed toward confrontation, Israelis are likely to choose the
mainstream Netanyahu over the misguided, liberal Obama.

Efraim Inbar is Professor of Political Studies at Bar-Ilan University and
Director of the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies.

BESA Perspectives is published through the generosity of the Littauer
Foundation.