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Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Memri: Columnist for PA Daily Asks: Why Is the Armed Struggle Still Part of Fatah's Bylaws?

MEMRI: Special Dispatch | No. 2472 | August 4, 2009
Palestinians
Columnist for PA Daily Asks: Why Is the Armed Struggle Still Part of Fatah's
Bylaws?

In his August 31, 2009 column in the Palestinian Authority daily Al-Ayyam,
Muhammad Yaghi, who is also a researcher at the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy, expressed his reservations about Fatah's bylaws and
political plan, both of which are to be presented at the movement's sixth
conference which opened August 4, 2009 in Bethlehem. He also expressed
concern that the conference would not be able to seriously discuss these
documents because of the Fatah leadership's preoccupation with
organizational issues.

Following are excerpts from the column:

"Is Fatah's Aim [Still] 'The Complete Liberation of Palestine and the
Elimination of the Zionist Occupying State?'"

Yaghi argues that it is necessary to reexamine 28 articles in the first
section of the Fatah bylaws, titled "Principles, Aims, and Method." He says
that it is doubtful whether such an examination would leave things as they
are, stating: "Is Fatah's aim [still] 'the complete liberation of Palestine
and the elimination of the Zionist occupying state – economically,
politically, militarily, and culturally?' Is [it still true that] 'Fatah's
path of popular armed revolution is the only, and inevitable, way to
liberate Palestine?' Is the armed struggle still 'a strategy, not a tactic?'
And how does the opposition to all the political solutions proposed to date
as alternatives to the elimination of the Zionist entity occupying Palestine
sit with [today's] call to the world [by the Palestinians] to implement the
U.N. resolutions relevant to the conflict with Israel?

"How are all these things different from the Hamas covenant? And what is the
whole struggle with Hamas about, if its goals and means overlap [those of
Fatah]? How does all this fit with [Fatah's] acceptance of the two-state
solution, with the Arab peace initiative, and with the whole negotiation
[process]?"

Yaghi also criticizes the fact that other sections of the bylaws have not
been changed, such as sections calling to tighten relations with countries
opposing the Zionists and imperialism, to reject the U.N. resolutions, and
to eliminate Israel via popular armed revolution. He notes that Fatah has
already passed that stage, writing: "Leaving these sections as they are does
not correspond with Fatah's belief or with its day-to-day political activity
in the field.

"Several days ago, the 'imperialism' mentioned in the bylaws [i.e. the U.S.]
gave the Palestinian Authority $200 million so it could pay the salaries of
the [Palestinian] 'fighters' who are supposed to eliminate '[America's]
striking arm in the region,' [i.e. Israel] – and [the Palestinians] even
thanked the U.S. for it. This 'imperialism' is the one overseeing the
training of the [Palestinian] security apparatuses that are to 'wage the
long-term popular war'... Fatah must abandon the cycle of farce and
self-deception, and focus on its political belief as it is declared and
implemented every day.

"Fatah today believes in an independent state with full sovereignty on the
territory that Israel occupied in 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital – [a
state] that lives in peace and security alongside Israel. [It also believes]
in a just settlement of the refugee problem based on the U.N. resolutions.

"With regard to means, the armed struggle is not the most suitable or
important [means], and also not the most supreme. In actuality, Fatah
conceded the armed struggle in the exchange of letters of reciprocal
recognition with Israel on behalf of the PLO at Olso, and undertook to fight
whoever carried out [armed struggle]. The conference is entitled to examine
whether or not this served Fatah and the Palestinian people and brought them
closer to their goals..."

"When Fatah Dons Garb Not Its Own Solely for the Purpose of Boasting [That
It Is More Patriotic than Hamas], It Does Itself More Harm than Good"
He continued, "Fatah must leave the option of conflict open, and must not
restrict itself to a single means. When Fatah dons garb that is not its own
solely for the purpose of boasting [that it is more fanatical and patriotic
than Hamas], it does itself more harm than good."

With regard to Fatah's political plan, Yaghi stated: "Half of [Fatah's] plan
[sounds] like a chronicle of partial historical tales about political or
organizational events. Instead of giving answers, it presents dozens of
questions – and this does not belong in a political plan.

"The plan must include sections connected to the long and short-term goals
that Fatah is working daily to implement... The plan must [also] include
future strategic options, and Fatah's perception regarding negotiations,
timeframe, conditions, mechanism, and what it is and is not willing to
accept."

For assistance, please contact MEMRI at memri@memri.org.
The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) is an independent,
non-profit organization that translates and analyzes the media of the Middle
East. Copies of articles and documents cited, as well as background
information, are available on request.

MEMRI holds copyrights on all translations. Materials may only be used with
proper attribution.

MEMRI
P.O. Box 27837, Washington, DC 20038-7837
Phone: (202) 955-9070
Fax: (202) 955-9077
www.memri.org

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