[Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA:

So here we are with the latest developments:

(1) Out of desperation over the situation in southern Lebanon the IDF just
released a report - including a detailed map - that "Hezbollah located in
1,000 facilities in southern Lebanon"
31 March 2011 , 09:46 Jonatan Urich IDF
http://dover.idf.il/IDF/English/News/today/2011/03/3101.htm

and UNIFIL responded "we don't see anything here".

(2) No one knows for sure who or what will be in charge of Syria in the
future (we do know that President Assad is desperately carrying out measures
to placate the Moslem Brotherhood) and no one knows for sure who or what
will be in charge of Egypt, Jordan or even Saudi Arabia in the coming months
and years. And none of these changes have anything to do with what Israel
does or doesn't do. On the other hand, there is a very real possibility
that at some time in the future that desperate leaders in one or more of
these countries will opt for conflict against the Jewish State - regardless
of whether or not a sovereign Palestinian state exists at the time - in
order to divert the rage of the masses furious that their problems have yet
to be solved.

(3) Palestinian public opinion polls consistently show that "peace" with
Israel is perceived as a stage in the ultimate destruction of Israel rather
than a permanent peace.

And yet today a bunch of Israeli lefties had the chutzpah to regurgitate
today a "Peace Initiative" that in no way relates to reality.

As demonstrated so painfully in Lebanon, Israel absolutely cannot and must
not rely on international forces for security.

And yet in the Israeli Peace Initiative (IPI): "The International community
shall play an active role in providing border security and curbing terrorist
threats" and on the Golan "A comprehensive security package shall be
mutually agreed, defining...the deployment of peace keeping international
forces."

The IPI in no way claims to put Israel in a position to be able to defend
itself if things go wrong.

The IPI proposes a patchwork quilt of sovereignties in Jerusalem with even
the Old City divided. Have these people walked through this area to
understand just how impossible this arrangement is from a security
standpoint when Arab elements decide to continue the conflict?

An illustration: Under the IPI "the Western Wall shall be under Israeli
sovereignty; the Temple Mount shall remain under a special no-sovereignty
regime (“God Sovereignty�), with special agreed-upon arrangements, ensuring
that Islamic holy places shall be administered by the Moslem Waqf, and
Jewish holy sites and interests shall be administered by Israel. The
implementation of these arrangements will be supervised by an
Israeli-International committee." What happens when Arab start throwing
rocks down from the Temple Mount towards the Jews at the Western Wall?

A few examples of what the IPI papers over:

Who controls the airspace? Can the IDF even fly over it?

What can Israel do if forces from a third country start moving through
Jordan on their way towards attacking Israel?

Why doesn't any of this matter to the folks behind the IPI?

Because many of them religiously believe that if Israel would withdraw to
the '67 lines that there would be utopian peace.

And if there is utopian peace then security arrangements really don't
matter.

As Shimon Peres put it: peace would be Israel's security arrangement.

But we as a nation do not share this religious belief.

What is your opinion of the following statement: “Even if a peace agreement
is signed, the Palestinians will never accept Israel’s existence and would
destroy it if they could�?
Jews: Agree 74.1. Disagree 21.5 I don’t know 3.5 Refuse to answer 0.9
Peace Index - October, 2010
Prof. Ephraim Yaar and Prof. Tamar Hermann
http://www.idi.org.il/ResearchAndPrograms/peace_index/Documents/October_2010/The%20Peace%20Index%20Data%20-%20October%202010.pdf

=========

The Israeli Peace Initiative (IPI)
Proposal – April 6, 2011
http://israelipeaceinitiative.com/israeli-peace-initiative-english/the-israeli-peace-initiative-english/

The State of Israel,

■Reaffirming that Israel’s strategic objective is to reach a historic
compromise and permanent status agreements that shall determine the finality
of all claims and the end of the Israeli Arab conflict, in order to achieve
permanent and lasting peace, lasting and guaranteed security, regional
economic prosperity and normal ties with all Arab and Islamic states,
â– Recognizing the suffering of the Palestinian refugees since the 1948 war as
well as of the Jewish refugees from the Arab countries, and realizing the
need to resolve the Palestinian refugees problem through realistic and
mutually agreed-upon solutions,
â– Realizing that wide-scale multilateral economic cooperation is essential in
order to ensure the prosperity of the Middle East, its environmental
sustainability and the future of its peoples,
â– Recognizing the Arab Peace Initiative of March 2002 (API) as a historic
effort made by the Arab states to reach a breakthrough and achieve progress
on a regional basis, and sharing the API statement “that a military solution
to the conflict will not achieve peace or provide security for the parties,�
Therefore Israel accepts the API as a framework for regional peace
negotiations and presents the IPI as an integrated response to the API, and
as a vision of the regional final-status agreements to be negotiated and
signed between the Arab states, the Palestinians and Israel, based on the
following proposed principles:

1) CONFLICT RESOLUTION PRINCIPLES

The key principle of all regional peace agreements shall be Israeli
withdrawals, guaranteed security, normal relations and end of all conflicts,
while recognizing the security needs of all parties, the water resources
challenges, the demographic realities on the ground, and the interests and
needs of the followers of the three monotheistic faiths; Furthermore, the
Israeli Palestinian conflict shall be resolved on the principle of two sates
for two nations: Palestine as a nation state for the Palestinians and Israel
as a nation state for the Jews (in which the Arab minority will have equal
and full civil rights as articulated in Israel’s Declaration of
Independence). On this basis, the following parameters are proposed:

1a) Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Resolution Parameters

1.Statehood and Security – A sovereign independent Palestinian state shall
be formed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip on territories from which Israel
withdrew. The state shall be demilitarized, exercising full authority over
its internal security forces. The International community shall play an
active role in providing border security and curbing terrorist threats.
2.Borders – The borders shall be based on the June 4, 1967, lines, with
agreed modifications subject to the following principles: the creation of
territorial contiguity between the Palestinian territories; land swaps (not
to exceed 7% of the West Bank) based on a 1:1 ratio, including the provision
of a safe corridor between the West Bank and Gaza, under de facto
Palestinian control.
3.Jerusalem – The greater Jerusalem area shall include the two capitals of
the two states. The line shall be drawn so that: Jewish neighborhoods shall
be under Israeli sovereignty; the Arab neighborhoods shall be under
Palestinian sovereignty; special arrangements shall be implemented in the
Old City, ensuring that the Jewish Quarter and the Western Wall shall be
under Israeli sovereignty; the Temple Mount shall remain under a special
no-sovereignty regime (“God Sovereignty�), with special agreed-upon
arrangements, ensuring that Islamic holy places shall be administered by the
Moslem Waqf, and Jewish holy sites and interests shall be administered by
Israel. The implementation of these arrangements will be supervised by an
Israeli-International committee .
4.Refugees – The solutions for the Palestinian refugees shall be agreed upon
between Israel, the Palestinians and all regional parties in accordance with
the following principles: Financial compensation shall be offered to the
refugees and the host countries by the international community and Israel;
the Palestinian refugees wishing to return (as mentioned in UNGAR 194) may
do so only to the Palestinian state, with mutually agreed-upon symbolic
exceptions.

1b) Israeli-Syrian Conflict Resolution Parameters

1.Borders – Israel shall withdraw from the Golan to a border-line to be
designed based on the June 4, 1967 status, with agreed minor modifications
and land swaps based on a 1:1 ratio, reflecting the 1923 international
border. The agreement shall be mutually implemented in stages, based on the
Sinai model, over a period not to exceed 5 years.
2.Security Arrangements –A comprehensive security package shall be mutually
agreed, defining, inter alia, the scope of demilitarized zones on both sides
of the border and the deployment of peace keeping international forces.

1c) Israeli-Lebanese Conflict Resolution Parameters

1.Borders – Israel and Lebanon shall establish permanent peace based on
UNSCR 1701, subject to which Israel concluded its withdrawal to the
international border.
2.Lebanese Sovereignty – In addition to the full implementation of UNSCR
1701, Lebanon shall exercise full sovereignty over its territory through the
Lebanese army.

1d) State of Peace

In each of the Israeli-Palestinian, Israeli-Syrian and the Israeli-Lebanese
peace agreements the respective parties agree to apply between them the
provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of
international law governing relations among states in time of peace; to
settle all disputes between them by peaceful means; to develop good
neighborly relations of co-operation between them to ensure lasting
security; to refrain from the threat or use of force against each other and
from forming any coalition, organization or alliance with a third party, the
objectives or activities of which include launching aggression or hostility
against the other party.

2) REGIONAL SECURITY PRINCIPLES

1.The parties will create regional security mechanisms, addressing shared
threats and risks arising from states, terrorist organizations, marine
pirate groups, and guerrilla organizations. to ensure the safety and
security of the peoples of the region.
2.The parties shall build regional frameworks to jointly fight against crime
and environmental threats.

3) ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT PRINCIPLES

Based on significant economic support by the international community, the
parties shall implement wide-scale regional cooperation projects in order to
ensure the stabilization, viability and prosperity of the region, and to
achieve optimal utilization of energy and water resources for the benefit of
all parties. Such projects will improve transportation infrastructure,
agriculture, industry and regional tourism, thus addressing the rising
danger of unemployment in the region. In the future, the parties shall
create the “Middle East Economic Development Bloc� (inviting all Middle
Eastern countries to join), aiming at reaching a special status in the EU,
the US and the International Community.

4) STEPS TOWARDS NORMAL RELATIONS PRINCIPLES

Israel, the Arab States and the Islamic States commit to implement gradual
steps towards establishing normal relations between them, in the spirit of
the Arab Peace Initiative, which shall commence upon the launching of peace
negotiations and shall be gradually upgraded to full normal relations
(including diplomatic relations, open borders and economic ties) upon the
signing of the permanent status agreements and throughout their
implementation.

Signatories
http://israelipeaceinitiative.com/israeli-peace-initiative-english/signatories/
Yaakov Perry Former GSS director (1995-1998). Chairman of the Board of
Mizrahi
Tefahot and Chairman of Magal. Expert on defense and terror.
Amnon Lipkin-Shahak 15th Chief of the General Staff, IDF (1995-1998). Former
government minister (1999-2001).
Danny Yatom Former director of the Mossad (1996-1998).
Former Commanding General of the Central Command, Military Secretary to PM
Rabin and Peres, and Chief of Staff and security advisor to PM Barak. Former
MK.
Ami Ayalon Former Director of the GSS (1996-2000).
Former government Minister (2007-2008).
Founding member of “Blue-White Future�.
Amram Mitzna Former Chairman of the Labor Party, Major General (IDF), Mayor
of Haifa (1993-2002), Head of the Appointed Committee of Yeruham
(2005-2010).
Nathan Sharony President of the Council for Peace and Security. Major
General (IDF). Former general director of the Ministry of Industry, Tourism,
and Trade.
Shaul Givoli Brigadier General (IDF), Major General (Israel Police). General
director of the Council of Security and Peace.
Uri Neeman Former head of the Mossad research wing (1989-1995).
Member of the Council of Security and Peace.
Shaul Arieli Colonel (Res.), member of the Council for Peace and Security.
Head of the Peace Administration in the Barak Administration.
Israela Oron Brigadier General (Res.). Former Deputy Director of the
National Security Council.
Bruno Landsberg Founder and chairman of the Sano Bruno’s Enterprises Ltd.
Idan Ofer Businessman, owner of Israel Corp., chairman of the board of
Better Place.
Orny Petruschka Hi-tech entrepreneur and social activist. Founding member of
“Blue-White Future�.
Avremi Adamov Businessman and entrepreneur.
Att. Dalia Rabin Chairperson of the Yitzhak Rabin Center.
Former MK (1999-2003).
Att. Moshe Shachal Attorney, former MK and minister (1970-1998).
Prof. Shimon Shamir Middle East scholar and diplomat. Israeli Ambassador to
Egypt (1988-1990) and Israel’s first Ambassador to Jordan (1994-1996).
Prof. Aliza Shenhar Rector of the Yizre’el Valley College. Former Israeli
ambassador to the Russian Federation (1994-1997).
Ph.D in Yehuda Ben- Meir Deputy Foreign Minister on behalf of Mafdal
(1981-1983). Founder of Meimad. Dr. of psychology, senior research fellow,
Institute for National Security Studies (INSS).
Ph.D Alon Liel International relations researcher and Israeli diplomat who
served as general director of the Foreign Ministry (2000-2001). Ambassador
to South Africa, and Chargé d’Affaires in Turkey.
Avi Primor Deputy Rector Inter-disciplinary Center of Hertzliya. Former
Israeli Ambassador to Germany and EU, and Deputy Director General, Ministry
of Foreign Affairs.
Shlomo Gur Deputy director of the Claims Committee, former general director
of the Ministry of Justice, deputy ambassador to the US.
Gilead Sher Colonel (Res.), attorney, former Head of the Prime Minister’s
Bureau and Chief Negotiator with the Palestinians. Founding co-chairman of
“Blue-White Future�.
Att. Eti Livni Former MK (Shinui), Deputy Speaker of the Knesset 2006–2008).
Prof. Tamar Herman Public opinion expert, expert on foreign policy and
security, Open University and the Israel Democracy Institute.
Adina Bar Shalom Founder and President of the Haredi College of Jerusalem.
Att. Oded Dovrat Rector of the Ramat Gan College.
Rabbi Ph.D Daniel Hartman President of the Shalom Hartman Institute,
Engaging Israel project director.
Prof. Yossi Yonah Professor of philosophy of education, Department of
Education, Ben Gurion University.
Dr. Alla Shainskaya Senior Scientist, Weizmann Institute of Science.
Prof. Shifra Sagi Professor of educational psychology and head of the
Conflict Resolution and Management Program, Ben Gurion University.
Prof. Jimmy Weinblatt Professor of economics, Ben Gurion University of the
Negev. In 2010 appointed Rector of Sapir Academic College.
Ph.D Eva Berger Dean of the School of Media Studies, College of Management
Academic Studies.
Prof. Eyal Benvenisti Full Professor, Faculty of Law, Tel Aviv University.
Expert in international law.
Prof. Alex Mintz Dean of the School of Government, Diplomacy, and Strategy,
Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya.
Ph.D Mark Heller Principal Research Associate
Institute for National Security Studies.
Prof. Yoram Meital Chairman of the Chaim Hertzog Center for Middle East
Studies and Diplomacy. Scholar of political and national processes in the
Middle East.
Prof. Moshe Maoz Professor Emeritus of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies,
expert on Syria, Truman Institute, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Itamar Ya’ar Colonel (Res.). Management and national security advisor,
former deputy director of the National Security Council.
Ph.D Matti Steinberg Middle East scholar, former advisor to GSS director.
Lecturer at Princeton University.
Ph.D Efrat Elron Organizational psychologist, expert on multi-national
forces and Israeli interfaces with the international community.
Ph.D Ephraim Lavie Middle East scholar, Colonel (Res.), former senior
intelligence/research officer, Director of the Tami Steinmetz Center of
Peace Studies, Tel Aviv University.
Prof. Eli Podeh Middle East scholar, expert in the history of the Arab
world. Islam and Middle East Studies and Truman Institute for the
Advancement of Peace, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
Prof. Eyal Zisser Middle East scholar, Dean of the Faculty of Humanities,
Tel Aviv University.
Akiva Eldar Political correspondent, member of the editorial board of
Haaretz.
Meirav Michaeli Journalist and media figure.
Alon Schuster Head of Sha’ar Hanegev Regional Council.
Avital Geva Educator, artist, social activist. Founder of the Ein Shemer
Ecological Incubator.
Mully Dor Chairman of the Executive Committee, Negev Institute for
Strategies of Peace and Development (NISPED).
Danny Karavan International artist, recipient of the Israel Prize.
Yuval Rabin Businessperson and one of the Initiative authors.
Koby Huberman Hi tech professional, specializes in business strategy. Social
activist, and one of the Initiative authors.