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Wednesday, October 28, 2015
MEMRI: Breaking Report: Challenging Khamenei, Rafsanjani Demands That Iran Fulfill Its Obligations Under The JCPOA, And Reveals: We Had Nuclear Option In Iran-Iraq War

MEMRI Special Report | 43 | October 28, 2015
Breaking Report: Challenging Khamenei, Rafsanjani Demands That Iran Fulfill
Its Obligations Under The JCPOA, And Reveals: We Had Nuclear Option In
Iran-Iraq War
By: A. Savyon, U. Kafash and E. Kharrazi*

On October 26, 2015, Hashemi Rafsanjani, the head of Iran's Expediency
Council and the political rival of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, gave
a comprehensive interview to the website "Iranians' Nuclear Hope."[1] In the
interview, he says that, during the Iran-Iraq war, Iran kept the nuclear
option in case it felt threatened or required this option, but chose not to
act in this direction.

Rafsanjani also personally comes out against Khamenei's directives regarding
the JCPOA by calling on Rohani's government to meet Iran's obligations under
this agreement from July 14, 2015. This is in direct defiance of Khamenei,
who on October 21, 2015 ordered Rohani's government to delay meeting these
obligations until nine new conditions he has added to the JCPOA have been
met.[2] Rafsanjani stresses in the interview that the majority of the
Iranian people, some 80-90 percent, support the JPCOA as it was presented in
July, thus creating a potential for fermenting a civil uprising against
Khamenei.

Furthermore, Rafsanjani admits that both he and Khamenei were personally in
charge of the development of Iran's secret nuclear program: he during his
term as the Majlis speaker and later as president, and Khamenei during his
presidency and later during his service as Supreme Leader. In fact,
Rafsanjani reveals that, during his presidency, he sought to develop the
Arak heavy water facility, in the plutonium track, and invested resources in
it, though at another point in the interview he rebuts domestic criticism by
explaining that Iran's concessions regarding the Arak facility do not harm
Iran's national interest since the main use of the plutonium track is "for
military purposes." By these statements Rafsanjani confirms suspicions that
Iran tried to establish a military nuclear project.

By the very act of calling to meet Iran's commitments under the JCPOA and
thereby gain international legitimacy for Iran's peaceful nuclear program,
Rafsanjani exposes Khamenei as one who insists on the military nuclear
option and challenges him to relinquish this option so as to let Iran take
its rightful place in the international arena.

The following are translated excerpts from Rafsanjani's interview.

Rafsanjani On Nuclear Weapons

Asked to give details on Iran's nuclear activity in the first years of the
Islamic Revolution, he said: "The previous regime [of the Shah, that was
brought down in 1979] often referred to nuclear issues... and began to deal
with very extensive work... and the Germans were meant to build the reactor
at Bushehr...

"After the Revolution, the work at Bushehr was halted... Within Iran, some
said that we must abandon the [nuclear] activity... and some said that we
must start the research and the actual work from scratch... In the end, it
was decided to continue the [nuclear] work...

"The Germans found an excuse not to come [to continue the work in Iran]...
When we despaired of the Germans, we began to talk with the Pakistanis. In
Pakistan, there was a scientist named Abd Al-Qadeer Khan [the father of
Pakistan's nuclear bomb]. I took a trip to Pakistan and I wanted to see him,
but they did not let me see him... I went twice to Pakistan but I didn't see
him. Khamenei also did not see him. But during the [1980-88 Iran-Iraq] war,
we both dealt with it [the nuclear project], since we had to begin the
[nuclear] work. Apparently Abd Al-Qadeer Khan believed that the Islamic
world had to have a nuclear bomb, and he also built Pakistan's nuclear
bomb... The Pakistanis agreed to help us somewhat... Some of the nuclear
activity began during the war.

"Iraq came near to [uranium] enrichment [but] Israel destroyed everything.
But the first time, on September 20, 1980, our air force bombed the nuclear
facilities at Osirak [Iraq] with four airplanes, and I think that in late
1980 the Israelis destroyed the facilities completely with two fighter
jets...

"In 1981, the atmosphere was such that we had to arm ourselves with
deterrent measures... since we thought that this war could continue another
20 years, according to the late Imam [Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini]... [But]
now we have arrived here [at the stage after the JCPOA] and there is no need
for us to turn to military nuclear matters."

"Q: "Iran's doctrine was always 'nuclear energy for all and nuclear weapons
for none.' To the world, Iran stands behind this doctrine. How do you
explain this doctrine in our regime to foreign and domestic elements?

"A: As I have said, when we started the [nuclear] work, we were at war, and
we wanted to have such an option for the day our enemies wanted to use
nuclear weapons. This was [our] state of mind, but things never become
serious.

"However, we took seriously the non-military uses [of the nuclear project],
and so we invested money and did a great deal of work. We worked in various
areas and also taught a great deal. We dispatched students and invited
scientists and many other things of this sort. The principle of our doctrine
was the use of nuclear [energy] for peaceful purposes, even though we never
abandoned [the idea] that if we were some day to face a certain threat, and
if it became necessary, then we would have the option of going to the other
side [i.e. to develop nuclear weapons]. But we did not have a plan to do
this, and we never deviated [from civilian use]...

"I was so deeply involved in work [on this matter] that in the final days of
my government... I personally approved $25 million for the heavy water
reactor in Arak, which at that time was to be built in Alamut in the Qazvin
[region]...

"Q: The Majlis said that the JCPOA endangers Iran's national security... Do
you think [it does]?

"A: The foundations of Iran's security are so strong that this matter
constitutes not even the slightest threat to Iran... Our missile defense is
not part of the JCPOA and we did not even get into this issue [in the
nuclear negotiations]... We made concessions on privileges, and received
rights. When they see that we are reducing our enrichment units [i.e.
centrifuges] from 20,000 to 6,000 or even fewer, this will be a privilege
for them [i.e. the West]. The fact that they are funding the conversion of
the heavy water [reactor at Arak] into a different type that has no
plutonium but still has all the elements of a heavy water [reactor] — this
is cutting-edge technology, and constitutes advancement for us. We do not
want plutonium, because it is meant for military matters [i.e. military
nuclear uses]. As far as I know, [the JCPOA] poses no national threat, and
the guarantees that it will be implemented are not unilateral [i.e. they
apply to the other side as well]. If they violate [it], then we can violate
[it] as well."

Rafsanjani Comes Out Against Supreme Leader Khamenei's Orders

Rafsanjani's statements also show that he is the only public figure in Iran
who is challenging the orders issued by Khamenei on October 21, 2015
regarding the implementation of the JCPOA.[3] He stressed in the interview
that Iran needs to meet its obligations as outlined in the July 2015
agreement — the process that Khamenei has been delaying. Laying the
groundwork for rebellion against Khamenei, he said that the majority of
Iranians — 80% to 90% — support the July version of the JCPOA. He also
brushes aside Khamenei's new conditions for Iran to implement the JCPOA, and
calls on him to silence the minority in Iran that opposes it — even though
Khamenei himself heads them. He said:

"Eighty to 90 percent of the people agree to the process of the JCPOA, and
want to get out [of the nuclear dossier]. 'The concerned' [i.e. the
ideological camp] know this. The Majlis sessions that preceded the vote [on
the Majlis plan on the JCPOA] cost 'the concerned' dearly... because they
affiliate themselves, in a way, with the leader [Khamenei] and it is as if
they are expressing the leader's view. The leader has a tongue, and, more
than anyone else, is capable of speaking [his own mind]. He could have
prevented them [from speaking], and there was no need for the feud and the
arguments [in the Majlis]. It is very bad that they behaved like this in the
Majlis. But this is the method of the leader [Khamenei], who lets others
speak their minds. It would not have been bad if [the ideological camp] had
acted morally and in accordance with national interests...

"Q: What would you say are the most important achievements in the agreement?

"A: First, there will be cooperation between Iran and advanced nations in
the world. After the sanctions are lifted, we will realize how many problems
we had [because of them]. There is still no one who wants to discuss the
damage done to us, because it isn't over yet and the time to talk about it
hasn't yet come. In any case, the sanctions will be suspended and we will to
some extent be compensated for them.

"After that, we will advance in the progress [of the nuclear plan] and our
operations will be better. Then, our international situation will be better.
Our situation in the world has become bad, and so far the Iranians have
earned some respect in the world. But the warmongers [among us] think that
our honor lies in being loved by the world's extremists — which is always
easy, and can always be achieved.

"We are a great nation, and we must speak and operate in the world and share
in the [administration of] world affairs. Iran can gain great weight in the
world. The most important achievement is being officially recognized as a
member state in the nuclear club, on which there has thus far been no
agreement. They agreed for us to enrich [uranium], for us to have a reactor,
and for us to use it for civilian purposes however we wish. In the nuclear
issue, there are advanced nations and backwards nations, for example Japan,
whose situation is like ours. Some 30-40 countries have the right to enrich
uranium for peaceful purposes, but no right to engage in the military
aspect. We will be like them.

"Q: How do you think Iran should act in the path to implement the JCPOA?

"A: We must put into action what we have signed."[4]
--------------------
*A. Savyon is Director of MEMRI's Iran Media Project; U. Kafash and E.
Kharrazi are research fellows at MEMRI.

[1] Inhnews.ir, October 26, 2015.

[2] See MEMRI Inquiry & Analysis, Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei's Letter
Of Guidelines To President Rohani On JCPOA Sets Nine Conditions Nullifying
Original Agreement Announced July 14, 2015, October 22, 2015.

[3] See MEMRI Inquiry & Analysis, Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei's Letter
Of Guidelines To President Rohani On JCPOA Sets Nine Conditions Nullifying
Original Agreement Announced July 14, 2015, October 22, 2015.

[4] Inhnews.ir, October 26, 2015.

For assistance, please contact MEMRI at memri@memri.org.
P.O. Box 27837, Washington, DC 20038-7837
Phone: (202) 955-9070 | Fax: (202) 955-9077

The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) is an independent,
non-profit organization that translates and analyzes the media of the Middle
East. Copies of articles and documents cited, as well as background
information, are available on request.

MEMRI holds copyrights on all translations. Materials may only be used with
proper attribution.

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